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Showing posts with label 81 Burke. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 81 Burke. Show all posts
Journal of Linguistics and Language Teaching
volume 6 (2015) Issue 1



Cross-Cultural Methodological
Innovation in Bhutan:
Teacher Experiences with the Process
Writing Approach


Dechen Zangmo (Paro, Bhutan)
Rachel Burke (Newcastle, Australia)
John Mitchell O’Toole (Newcastle, Australia)
Heather Sharp (Newcastle, Australia)


Abstract
The role of English as the global lingua franca and its centrality to economic and social expansion in the twenty-first century has led to increased government emphasis on fostering the language in contexts where it has no official status. Frequently initiatives to increase English competence in these so-called ‘expanding circle’ nations – a term coined by Kachru (1992) in association with his concentric circles model of the global uptake of English – take the form of aid-funded projects with methodological innovation based on educational paradigms originating in contexts where English is a primary language. This paper examines one such collaboration; a partnership between the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and the Kingdom of Bhutan, which led to Bhutan’s adoption of the Process Writing Approach (PWA). Specifically, we utilise Hofstede’s (1980) framework of cultural dimensions to compare the ideological underpinnings of the PWA with the values and practices of traditional Bhutanese education.
Keywords: International Development Agency, curriculum development, Process Writing Approach, educational change, cross-cultural methodological innovation.


1 Introduction
The Kingdom of Bhutan is a small, mountainous nation of Southeast Asia, with a population of approximately 671,083 inhabitants (National Statistics Bureau 2011). Bordered by China, Tibet, and India, Bhutan has a strong Buddhist culture and a history of isolation from external cultural influences. The internet and television were not introduced to Bhutan until the late 20th century (Faris 2004, Siok 2003) and traditional monastic style education has played an important role in maintaining the national culture, traditions, and religious activities. Currently, the government cautiously pursues an agenda of modernisation that seeks to retain the nation’s unique cultural identity whilst engaging further with the outside world.
Central to this development program is an emphasis on English. The Bhutanese speak Dzongkha, which was recognised as the official language of Bhutan in 1961 by His Late Majesty King Jimi Doji 'Wangchu (van Driem 1994). Along with Choke, a classical Tibetan language used for religious and ceremonial purposes, the Kingdom of Bhutan is also characterised by great linguistic diversity with some nineteen different languages spoken across the nation (van Driem 1994). In addition to promoting Dzongkha and maintaining existing linguistic diversity, the Bhutanese government continues to recognise the English language as an important means of accessing ‘the discoveries of science and mathematics, medicine and information technology’ (Curriculum and Professional Support Division 2006: p.ix) which are otherwise unavailable in Dzongkha. As articulated in the National Education Framework of 2009:
The advent of the English language to Bhutan was a matter of choice. When Bhutan looked beyond its borders and began to prepare itself to modernize and join the community of nations, it was English language that enabled it to interact with the international community. English is seen as the most advantageous language to assist Bhutan in the articulation of its identity and the elevation of its profile in the many organizations to which it would belong. English has enhanced its capacity to participate more effectively and purposefully in the global community. (National Education Framework 2009: 26)
While Bhutan shares various characteristics with other small nation-states, it presents a unique social and cultural context, famously determining its own value as a nation by using a Gross National Happiness Index. Rather than reliance on an economic metric such as Gross Domestic Product, the Bhutanese government asserts that:
sustainable development should take a holistic approach towards notions of progress and give equal importance to non-economic aspects of wellbeing (The Centre for Bhutan Studies and GNH Research 2014: §1).
Accordingly, the government gauges the nation’s success according to the four pillars: good governance, sustainable socio-economic development, cultural preservation, and environmental conservation. These pillars are a significant departure from dominant western capitalist values that privilege economic expansion as the main measure of a nation’s success. The striking contrasts between the social and cultural contexts of the west and Bhutan render this nation an ideal setting for the close examination of the cultural implications of cross-country importation of language teaching methodology. This paper reports on research on the implementation of the PWA in Bhutan in order to inform broader understandings of cross-national policy implementation in smaller, project-driven educational jurisdictions. Specifically, this article considers Bhutanese principals’ and English teachers’ experiences during the curriculum reform and its implementation in their classrooms, five years after becoming mandatory.

2 Cross-Cultural Importation of Methodology
A growing body of research identifies the pitfalls of failing to adequately consider the specificities of socio-cultural context when implementing curricular and pedagogical innovation. Hu (2002) has examined English language instruction in China, suggesting that discontinuity between the imported methodology of Communicative Language Teaching (CLT) and the cultural values of Chinese education is a key factor in the failure of this approach to yield expected outcomes. Sonaiya (2010) has questioned the appropriacy of implementing autonomous language learning approaches in Sub-Saharan Africa where the underlying philosophy of communal learning is of great importance. Likewise, Chowdhury and Le Ha (2008) have examined the experiences of Bangladeshi EFL instructors and critiqued the convention of preparing language teachers at Western institutions that emphasize Communicative Language Teaching (CLT) despite the contrasting values of the instructional culture in which they will eventually practice.
Central to these studies is the recognition that all methodological approaches embody a particular set of ideologies; as Sonaiya states,
a teaching method is a product of the society in which it was developed; that is, teaching methods are cultural products. (Sonaiya 2010: 107)
Also common to these studies is the fundamental criticism of the one-size-fits-all approach to language teaching methodology; the tendency to import approaches from the West or ‘inner circle’ (Kachru 1992) countries and the necessity of questioning the associated discourses of colonialism (Pennycook 1994), pedagogical imperialism (Phillipson 1997), and the notion of the first language speaker as the norm (Canagarajah 1999). As Pennycook has argued, ELT practices "cannot be reduced to a set of disconnected techniques but rather must be seen as part of larger cultural, discursive or ideological orders". (Pennycook 1994: 167)
The phenomenon of implementing externally derived methodological innovations as a corner stone of language education programs in so-called ‘expanding’ and ‘outer-circle’ nations is an overarching theme of this discussion. We assert that the striking contrasts between the ideological underpinnings of the PWA and the social and cultural values of the Bhutanese education system render this case a particularly illuminating example of what Phillipson (1997) has termed ‘policy borrowing’. Whilst the Bhutanese government clearly emphasises the preservation and continuation of Bhutanese tradition in the midst of development (see, for example, The Planning Commission 1999) and this maintainence of cultural identity is carefully embedded in educational reforms (see the National Education Framework 2009), the introduction of the PWA appears to have occurred with minimal acknowledgement of the cultural context of the Bhutanese education system. In this paper, we consider principals’ and teachers’ experiences of the implementation of the PWA, not as a criticism of those who enacted this initiative, but in an attempt to better understand the socio-cultural factors involved in such methodological innovation.

3 Hofstede’s (1980) Cultural Dimensions
Among the various theoretical frameworks for understanding culture, Hofstede’s (1980) model of cultural dimensions is one of the most cited in academic literature (Bond 2002, Hofstede 1997). The result of a macro-level study of IBM organisational practices, Hofstede’s model identifies four universals of culture – collectivism vs. individualism, power distance, uncertainty avoidance, and masculinity vs. femininity.1 Later Hofstede added the dimensions of Confucian dynamism or long term vs. short-term orientation, pragmatic vs. normative, and restraint vs. indulgence. When examining educators’ experiences of the implementation of the PWA in Bhutan, collectivism vs. individualism, power distance, and uncertainty avoidance proved to be the dimensions most apparent in the data.
Individualism vs. collectivism relates to the extent to which people see themselves and their identity as independent or as tied to group membership (Hofstede 1997a: 51). In collectivist societies, emphasis is on the well being of the group and commitment to others, with group harmony and consensus highly valued, and an underlying concern to save ‘face’ (Dodd 1998, Brislin & Yoshida 1994). In more individualist societies, independence is valued, with disagreement, debate, and contrasting ways of thinking considered desirable. The emphasis in individualist societies is on meeting personal needs and goals rather than thinking in terms of the group (Dodd 1998).
Power distance refers to the notion of separation between the most and least powerful members of a society and the degree to which such power imbalance is accepted within the culture (Hofstede 1997a: 28). Societies with high power distance tend to be hierarchical in organisation and the chain of command is carefully preserved, with positions of authority accorded great respect (Dodd 1998). In low power distance cultures there is a desire for more horizontal organisation and a greater emphasis on equality in relationships.
The notion of uncertainty avoidance refers to the extent of ambiguity members of a culture feel comfortable with (Hofstede 1997a: 113). Cultures that have high levels of uncertainty avoidance are thought to prefer established rules and guidelines (e.g. concerning religion and food) and structured situations. Cultures with low levels of uncertainty avoidance tend to accept that uncertainty is a natural part of life and may feature greater risk taking behaviours (Brislin & Yoshida 1994). 
Masculine cultures are thought to value competitiveness, ambition, and the accumulation of wealth and material possessions (Hofstede 1997a: 82). In contrast, feminine cultures are thought to place more value on relationships, caring for others, and a preference for cooperation and consensus. Gender roles are considered to be more fluid in feminine cultures.
While not without its critics – questions have arisen regarding Hofstede’s underlying research methodology, the macro-level approach of his work, and accusations that his model infers cultural and situational homogeneity (Williamson 2002, McSweeney 2002) – Hofstede’s work has had a significant impact on contemporary understandings of culture and continues to inform ongoing research. With its attention to broad cultural traits, Hofstede’s model provides a lens for comparing the ideological foundations of the PWA and the traditional Bhutanese education system. In utilising this theoretical framework, we acknowledge Hofstede and Peterson’s (2000: p.404) advice that the ‘cultural dimensions were never intended to provide a complete basis for analysing a culture’ and see them not as definitive markers but as providing a continuum to discuss broad cultural tendencies or ‘relative positions by which nations can be compared’ (Williamson 2001 in 2002: p.1380).

4 Bhutanese Culture of Education
The National Education Framework (2009) describes the Bhutanese set of values based mainly on two concepts: (ley judrey) and (tha damtshig). Ley judrey means ‘actions have consequences’ and tha damtshig meanssacred commitment to others’ (National Education Framework 2009: p.16). These values of sacred commitments are identified as relationships between various pairs, for example 
pha da bhushi gi damtshig (parent and child), lobey da lobtu gi damtshig (teacher and pupil), nyen da drok gi damtshig (husband and wife), poen da yok gi damtshig (master and servant). Such pairing of relationships is used to state the duty and obligations of one to the other .(National Education Framework 2009: 16)
Wangyal (2001) explains that these relationships are based on responsibility and commitment to each other. For example, as much as the parents need to commit to care in raising the child, the child in return needs to commit to obeying parents and taking care of them in their old age. If one fails in committing to the above responsibilities in a relationship then the result of one’s action known as jumdrey will determine the future of the individual:
metaphorically just as sowing good quality seeds brings about a good harvest, and vice versa (Wangyal 2001: p.109).
Fundamental to Bhutanese traditional values is that each individual in the paired relationship accepts their role and takes responsibility for committing to its function. The relationships are interdependent and sustained by values shared by society - defining characteristics of Hofstede’s (1980) notion of collectivism. Interestingly, the Hofstede Centre (an official agency for the dissemination of information on Hofstede’s research and associated projects) ranks Bhutan with an intermediate score of 52 on the individualism dimension (http://geert-hofstede.com/bhutan.html; 15.06.2015). This would suggest an absence of preference toward collectivist or individualist tendencies, yet data gathered in accordance with this research suggests a strong collectivist ideology; at least within the particular context of the education system.
Among all the relationships in Bhutanese culture, that between teacher and pupils (lobey da lobtu gi damtshig) is traditionally a very sacred one. As Wangyal explains:
The teacher is expected to show compassion and love for the students by observing impartiality among his pupils and ensure that all his students acquire knowledge and wisdom. In turn the student is expected to concentrate on his [sic] studies and show lifelong gratitude to the teacher. (Wangyal 2001: 110)
This loyalty and mutual respect not only references Hofstede’s (1980) dimension of collectivism but also the notion of high power distance with acceptance of inequality and hierarchy as an important and natural component of relationships. In fact, Bhutan is given a very high score of 94 on this dimension, indicating that within Hofstede’s paradigm, Bhutan is considered a hierarchical society with clear demarcation of roles and responsibilities (http://geert-hofstede.com/bhutan.html: 15.06.2015).
All forms of life regardless of religion, law, education survive by mutual cooperation based on their interconnectedness. (National Education Framework 2009: 16)
The belief that interdependence among different forms of life results in harmonious relationships is a key theme of the Buddhist iconography of the four friends (the bird, the monkey, the rabbit, and the elephant) known as the thuenpa puenshi. This image is a common sight on monastery walls and is frequently depicted in wall paintings in private homes. Such interconnectedness and acceptance of power imbalances suggests that efforts to adopt educational practices from contexts that value individualism may be subject to a range of cultural issues.
The strong emphasis on the preservation of Bhutanese cultural traditions is in line with the low score of 32 on Hofstede’s masculinity dimension, indicating that Bhutan is a relatively feminine society (http://geert-hofstede.com/bhutan.html: 15.06.2015). The importance placed on harmonious relationships and measuring success in terms of ‘quality of life’ rather than solely in economic or material terms aligns with this ranking. This dimension is juxtaposed alongside a very low score for uncertainty avoidance, indicating Bhutanese society is generally tolerant of ambiguity (despite the high power distance) and people are open to taking risks and adopting new ideas (http://geert-hofstede.com/bhutan.html; 15.06.2015). This cultural dimension was evident in the experiences of principals and teachers in this research project who expressed overwhelmingly positive attitudes to the PWA approach despite obvious logistical and cultural issues with its implementation.

5 A Short History of Curricular Innovation in Bhutan
The Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) initiative examined in this article is not the first educational partnership to take place in Bhutan. One such unsuccessful implementation took place in 1986 when the Royal Government of Bhutan, with assistance from the United Kingdom, attempted to introduce a New Approach to Primary Education (NAPE) (Dorji 2005). Dissatisfaction arose from the change in educational pedagogy from a teacher-centred to child-centred approach and difficulties implementing the new methodology in the Bhutanese classroom context due to class size and differences in access to resources. Put simply, the nature of the approach did not match the local context; culturally or in terms of infrastructure.
Problems also arose through locally initiated curriculum reform. For example, in 2006 in response to difficulties students experienced with learning in the English language coupled with a Bhutanese national desire to maintain and develop local culture, an attempt was made to rewrite aspects of the history curriculum so that it had local, rather than foreign, origins (Sherab 2008). In order to achieve this goal, the language of instruction for grades six to ten was changed from English to the local Dzongkha. However, the history teachers who taught this subject in English could not teach it in Dzongkha due to their own difficulties in that language; and the Dzonghka speaking teachers did not have sufficient history content knowledge to teach this subject effectively. Students encountered similar difficulties with the Dzongkha terminology. Thus, teachers during history lessons ended up teaching the Dzonghka language rather than history. These problems were unforeseen during the planning and curriculum development periods but, as a result of the issues, teaching history in the Dzongkha language ceased in 2009. The costly and time-consuming curriculum innovation process ultimately could not be implemented. 

6 Implementation of the PWA in Bhutan
6.1 General Remarks
The Process Writing Approach (PWA) became a part of the National English curriculum in Bhutan in 2006 when internal dissatisfaction arose over an apparent decline in students’ English writing. Several local studies and classroom observations revealed that the methods of teaching writing used in the Bhutanese classroom followed a traditional, teacher-directed approach in which the teacher explained the texts and students either took notes or answered questions. This pedagogical approach was deemed as lacking in meaningful student writing practice. Subsequently, the Royal Government of Bhutan, drawing on expertise and funds from Canada, responded to this concern by mandating English curriculum reform and the adoption of the externally derived PWA.
This curriculum approach is based on the ideology of student-centeredness, a completely different pedagogical style to the indigenous Bhutanese sentiment of tha damtshig (or ‘sacred commitment to others’) whereby the hierarchical relationship between teacher and student is more pronounced than that promoted by student-centeredness. There are a number of concepts central to the successful and full implementation of the PWA, including that teachers and students work as partners, that the teacher’s role is primarily as a motivator or facilitator, and that the role of each student is to discover the writing strategies that suit them best (Keh 1990, Patthey-Chevaz & Paulus 1999, Matsumura & Valdes 2004). In Hofstede’s (1980) framework of cultural dimensions, these practices may be classified as individualistic, low power distance behaviours.
In order to research the experiences of Bhutanese principals and English teachers during the curriculum reform and its implementation in their classrooms, this research first investigated the alignment or misalignment of the objectives stated in the official curriculum documents titled The Guide, The Silken Knot, and The Reading and Literature Book, with the corresponding student activities and writing assessment outlined for teaching writing using the PWA. Points of concern exposed by the analysis of official curriculum documents and corresponding teaching activities and assessment items were used to generate the initial protocol for semi-structured interviews to take place in the second phase of the research. The findings of this first stage of the research are discussed elsewhere (Zangmo, Sharp, O’Toole, & Burke, forthcoming). The second phase of the research involved interviewing eight lower secondary principals from various parts of the country. Each principal had started teaching the mandated PWA in its initial implementation stage (Table 1 below). The rationale for recruiting lower secondary educators was based on the fact that grade seven has the highest rate of school dropouts in Bhutan (Bhutan Annual Education Statistics, 2011). In the series of hour-long, in-depth, semi-structured interviews with the principals, issues of support, training, and the usefulness of the official curriculum as well other factors that affected the implementation of the PWA were discussed. All participants’ responses are anonymized in this paper.
Third, the research investigated the manner in which the mandated PWA was received and enacted in actual classroom situations. Three grade seven classroom observations took place via video recorded lessons. Each recording lasted for 45 minutes. Interviews with the observed teachers explored their reasons for implementing the PWA in specific ways. The issues that emerged were similar to those that the principals indicated as challenges for implementing the PWA during the initial interviews. Each teacher’s running commentary was transcribed and then loaded into NVivo 9 and coded. The running commentaries were crosschecked with the corresponding scene of the video record of each lesson and then divided, based on teachers’ practices and comments, into different themes such as Bhutanese classroom factors, task-related factors, culture-related factors, and other factors. Teachers were asked to confirm that the summary accurately reflected their experience.
The recorded lessons were then used as the basis for follow-up interviews with three different secondary teachers. Each teacher watched one video-recorded lesson and commented on the typicality of the writing instructional practices in each lesson. The reactions of these teachers were audio recorded and then transcribed for analysis. This final stage of the investigation provided a check for idiosyncratic practices or interpretations of the lessons observed.
Gender
PWA Training Received
Grade of PWA Training
Taught the PWA Since
School Location
P 1 (F)
The Writers’ Workshop: 45 days
9 & 10
2006
Rural
P 2 (M)
Orientation program: 10 days
6 - 8
2006
Rural & taught in urban schools
P 3 (M)
Orientation program: 10 days
6 - 8
2007
Rural
P 4 (F)
Orientation programs: 10 days
Writers’ Workshop:
45 days
9 & 10
2006
Urban & taught in rural schools
P 5 (M)
Orientation program: 10 days
6 - 8
2007
Rural & taught in urban schools
P 6 (M)
Orientation program: 10 days
Writers’ Workshop:
45 days
9 & 10
2006
Urban
P 7 (M)
Orientation program: 10 days
Writers’ Workshop:
45 days
9 & 10
2007
Rural
P 8 (M)
No training
NA
2006
Rural

Table 1: Principal Participants

The interviews and observations revealed that a number of educational and cultural factors were problematic for the implementation of the PWA (Table 2). Eleven major themes emerged from the NVivo open coding of the interviews with lower secondary principals. The node for ‘challenges’ in implementing PWA was the most prevalent with 82 references across the eight interviews. The ‘challenges’ node displayed several sub-themes including issues pertaining to the logistics of implementing the PWA and issues related to specific geographic location. Each classroom observation across each of the three schools revealed a strong hierarchal teacher-student relationship, which was contrary to the teacher acting as a facilitator and students taking charge of their own writing as the PWA proposes. This mismatch in cultural approach to education was also upheld in each interview with the two groups of participating teachers.
As will be shown, interviews and observations also revealed that contradictions in the underlying ideology of the PWA and the Bhutanese culture and educational practices led to a partial implementation of the approach in Bhutanese classrooms. This partial implementation needs to be understood in the context of the practical support, or lack thereof, provided to teachers. However, despite the various challenges discussed in interviews, the positive attitudes and commitment of principals and teachers to make the implementation successful was a key outcome. The enthusiasm of teachers and principals to participate in professional development to aid in the implementation of PWA and their strong compliance with the innovation is unusual in research that focuses on externally derived curriculum change and is perhaps indicative of the Bhutanese culture’s emphasis on teacher compliance with allocated roles and responsibilities.
Main themes
Sources
References
  1. Challenges
8
82
  1. Positive
8
26
  1. Other documents
5
9
  1. Teachers concept of the PWA
5
5
  1. Teachers’ existing beliefs
3
6
  1. How teachers managed
6
14
  1. Teaching background
8
9
  1. Training
8
13
  1. Evaluation
8
17
  1. Views on The Guide
8
13
  1. Suggestions
7
13
Table 2: Themes from the Semi-Structured Interviews

6.2  Cultural Tensions Arising from the Implementation of the PWA in the Bhutanese Context
Specifically, the findings from the semi-structured interviews with principals and teachers indicated that the cultural tensions they experienced when implementing the PWA were mainly associated with two aspects of method; the multiple drafting and peer conferencing stages. The data from each of the classroom observations and follow-up teacher interviews indicated that as a result of these cultural tensions, the PWA was reduced to students simply producing multiple drafts of their written work. The notion of teachers and students working as partners was identified as problematic to the implementation of the PWA in full.
The underlying expectation that the teacher fill the role of motivator or facilitator whilst the student works to discover the writing strategies best suited to them, created tension when applying the PWA in the Bhutanese classroom. This appeared to be particularly prominent during the multiple drafting stage. The students’ expectations that teachers check and give feedback on every draft and the teachers’ incapacity to do so due to the large class sizes, appears to have demotivated students. As principal 6 explained:
Actually first prewriting after the brain storming and then they do the first writing. Then I ask them to submit to me and I correct…drafting, redrafting, again to make so many drafts is problematic to do because we cannot edit their work somehow and if peer do but it’s quite difficult because they don’t find the mistakes of their friend. And in a way that part is neglected...
The PWA’s goal for students to take ownership of their own work clashed with the students’ expectation that teachers would give them controlled instruction. The expectation that an authority will judge the quality of student work is deeply embedded in Bhutanese culture. Particularly in the rural areas, the more traditional local values place high priority on the final product of student work, echoing customary religious and educational patterns of rote learning to produce exact copies of classic models. Assuring such high fidelity involves teachers checking and marking student work for assessment purposes, rather than encouraging experimental writing that involves different steps in a tentative writing process. This collectivist, high power distance view (Hofstede 1997a: 28, 51) where education tends to be teacher-centred, clashed with the individualist, low power distance outlook contained within the PWA.
Cultural mismatches also occurred with the general reluctance of local students to speak freely in front of their teachers. Such student initiative contradicts local culture, where talking freely can be interpreted as showing lack of respect to the teacher. This practice can be stronger in rural than urban districts as rural parents tend to have had a traditional education and low English literacy rates. This means most rural Bhutanese live strongly by the principles of Buddhism and have had minimum exposure to any outside culture. A common Buddhist principle stresses respecting the teacher at all times. Thus, the existence of a high power distance (Hofstede 1980) relationship between the teachers and the students as observed in the classroom, is unsurprising. As principal 3 suggested: At this stage peer-conference is not effective mainly because first of all they are not very comfortable with English. And secondly they are shy …not able to give critical comments because they are not trained… So peer conferencing is not effective…
In a similar fashion, the principals also reported that peer conferencing was found to be ineffective for cultural reasons, with students appearing unwilling to speak freely in front of their teachers. Students resisted commenting on the work of their friends for fear that any criticism would cause offense and damage important relationships. In particular, the rural students placed great importance on group harmony in the classroom. Thus, to keep the group harmonious, students were hesitant to comment on their friends’ work for fear that such feedback would be interpreted as criticism. As principal 8 commented:
The students in the rural are, you know shy and they shy away. They don’t show their work. For instance children try to hide their writing with their hands because they are really scared of showing their weakness to others.
As such, peer conferences appeared to threaten overall classroom happiness and cohesion. Again, this reflects an overarching concern for respecting ‘face’ and maintaining the harmonious relations of the group as described in Hofstede’s (1980) notion of collectivism.
There were also key cultural mismatches between the values embedded within the PWA and the values of the Bhutanese assessment system. Elsewhere, we discuss how the inconsistency of importance placed on the PWA in the core curriculum documents as opposed to the set activities and prescribed assessment seems to have forced teachers to cover the local syllabus rather than implement PWA in a meaningful manner. Not covering the syllabus in depth could mean students would fail their end of year, high stakes examinations and, importantly, the examinations did not include the PWA or recognition that students would have learnt using this curriculum approach. Failing the end of year examinations means that students will have to repeat their school grade and teachers receive an official reprimand. Such a failure to ensure students are successful in examinations constitutes a significant breach of teacher duty. Therefore, whilst cultural factors were an important element in difficulties implementing the PWA, the findings from the semi-structured interviews also indicated that logistical local factors contributed to the ineffectiveness and eventual abandonment of multiple drafting and these factors are considered in a separate paper (Zangmo, Sharp, O’Toole, & Burke forthcoming).

6.3 Partial Implementation of PWA and Positive Attitudes of Teachers
In line with the feedback concerning the cultural discontinuity of the multiple drafting and peer conferencing stages with the social mores of the Bhutanese classroom, observations of the lessons indicate only partial implementation of the PWA in Bhutan’s rural and urban schools, with these stages omitted. This left only the prewriting activities, which teachers described as both suitable to the needs of the students and an improvement on their previous practice. However, classroom observations revealed that teachers generally implemented the prewriting stage of the PWA, using transmission methods typical of the more traditional product-based approach to writing. Observations of the lessons also showed that teachers taught writing by collecting student work for correction, which, according to follow up interviews with teachers, was the normal classroom practice. When informal peer conferences were introduced to the classroom, they were adapted in such a way that students simply exchanged their exercise books with their desk partner to mark spelling mistakes and other functional grammatical errors. This adaptation echoes earlier studies that revealed that teachers from Hong Kong, Japan, and Singapore took a middle-path approach by combining product and process when asked to teach the PWA in their classes (Pennington, So, Hirose, Costa, Shing & Niedzielski 1997). Knowledge of the existing literature makes much of what was observed unsurprising. What is more surprising is that, despite all of these challenges, the Bhutanese principals and teachers participating in this project were still very positive about the PWA.
The findings from the semi structured interviews showed that all the principals shared very positive attitudes towards the mandated approach and they stated that their students developed confidence in writing as a result of its implementation. The PWA was also described as having assisted teachers to identify weaker students so that remedial help could be provided and as having helped teachers improve their own writing. Those principals who did not receive adequate training and were less successful in implementing the government mandate apparently saw it as their own failure, indicating sincere regret and expressing their strong interest in trying again. This attitude may be linked to the seriousness with which Bhutanese teachers view their responsibilities to students.
Similarly the rural teachers revealed positive attitudes towards the PWA, reasoning that the approach helped students to write. This suggests that Bhutanese principals and teachers were not resistant to this proposed change; on the contrary, they were committed to making the PWA successful in their schools and reported taking a variety of initiatives as they attempted to implement the innovation. This stands in marked contrast to previous studies in which teachers expressed frustration and resistance during curriculum change (Ling 2002, Alwan 2006). The positive attitudes of Bhutanese principals and teachers toward the PWA also reflects a paradox – on the one hand, the context emphasises the continuation of tradition and preservation of culture. However, those who participated in this project readily accepted the innovation and took initiatives and risks to implement it in their classroom. This resonates with the low uncertainty avoidance ranking of the culture and the set of local values based on commitment and responsibility of teachers. The local teachers seemed to fear that their inability to adequately implement the PWA was tantamount to failing to fulfil their duty as educators.
The positivity of teachers and principals may indicate the pervasiveness of the paradigm whereby curricular innovation from externally derived contexts is afforded higher status. The findings of this project demonstrate that principals had positive attitudes at the initial stage of the curriculum change, that their attitudes remained positive even after the challenges they faced in implementing the PWA, and that such positive attitudes were shared by the participating teachers involved in classroom observation. They were generally excited about the innovation, even five years after its mandated implementation. Although it was not continued due to insurmountable challenges, many principals and teachers remained committed to the implementation of the PWA. This may illustrate the very powerful notions that ‘west is best’ in terms of pedagogy and methodology in EFL and might have played a role in continued support for the PWA despite its mismatched cultural underpinnings for the context.

6.4 Summary of the Research Findings
The implementation of the PWA, like many other curriculum change projects adopted by smaller jurisdictions, emerged from an ‘inner circle’ (Kachru 1992), English as a first language, individualist, low power distance context (Hofstede 1997a: 28, 51) but was implemented in classrooms with contrasting cultural milieu. Tensions appeared to emerge around local collectivist views as opposed to the individualist view of the PWA, and the high power distance that is the norm in Bhutan as against the low power distance demanded by the PWA. These differences should have been foreseeable by those in authority to implement curriculum change. Perhaps though, as Stuart suggests:
because much of the strength of cultural influences stems from the fact that they operate in the background of behaviour at the value, linguistic, and construct levels, people often have difficulty defining their cultural influences, and social scientists have difficulty measuring them. (Stuart 2004: 4)
This project provides evidence that borrowed curriculum innovations cannot be sustained without considering the differences between the source and target, or local, culture. Brown’s assertion regarding the paramount importance of "cultural continuity" in curricular innovation and the need for this continuity to be "respected, by not losing contact with current [local] practice" (Brown’s 2000: 227) is very apt in terms of the Bhutanese case. Several researchers have emphasised the importance of considering the cultural and educational context during curriculum change (Dushku 1998, Holliday 2001, Berry 2006). Wedell (2003: 439) explains that gaps emerge between the intended and the implemented curriculum when curriculum planners fail to consider the differences between the two cultures, and that sometimes only a partial implementation of the proposed change occurs. Therefore, curriculum planners need to identify the extent of the cultural shift that teachers need to make, question the ideological implications of such change and whether or not this is favourable, and consider designing curriculum or training for what Holliday (2001: 169) calls bridging between the two cultures or ‘cultural continuity’.
However, the incompatibility of the PWA with the local educational context caused difficulties that were likely to remain, even if the cultures had more closely matched. The large class sizes and diverse levels of resourcing that are characteristic of the local context exerted extra strain on implementers who were left on their own to handle the problems. These difficulties were compounded by the fact that the process of implementing the curriculum change was shortened in an attempt to make a speedy start. Initially willing and enthusiastic educators gradually stopped implementing the PWA. This problem may have been avoided or reduced if a detailed study of the local cultural context had taken place, with modifications made to the PWA prior to implementation. Instead, this innovation resulted from centralised decision-making that did not take into account the cultural and educational contexts of the different localities within Bhutan, which in turn affected the success of the proposed curriculum change.
The decisions leading to the implementation of PWA appear to be based on the willingness of the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) to provide support for a reform that would address a local need, which Bhutan appeared to lack resources to meet, resulting in what Phillips and Ochs (2004: 11) would call a ‘quick fix’ decision. As stated earlier, this study considers the difficulties associated with the PWA innovation in Bhutan, not as a criticism, but in order to help ensure more success for future innovations. For instance, a pilot-testing programme could have involved educators having direct exposure to the PWA and sharing their experiences to influence the shape of the PWA before being more widely implemented. Not doing so had predictable negative consequences, notwithstanding teachers’ positive attitudes towards it.

7 Conclusion
This research revealed that differences between the nature of the PWA and the Bhutanese context resulted in persistent struggle for both teachers and students in trying to accommodate significant cultural shifts. The cultural tensions mainly occurred in regard to contrasts between collectivist cultural views of mutual support and criticism of friends and the more individualist view of self-development and personal goal orientation that is characteristic of the PWA. The challenges were stronger in schools located in rural areas due to factors such as parents’ socio-cultural background, students’ low level of English, and stronger traditional cultural practices. Our research findings indicate that the PWA had minimal impact when viewed five years after initial implementation and the innovation was eventually diluted almost beyond recognition. Pilot testing the PWA locally before introducing it nationally may have allowed the appropriateness and suitability of the PWA to be considered before committing resources to its implementation. We postulate that the extensive implementation of externally derived methodology in a context with such a strong focus on cultural preservation illustrates the pervasiveness of the ‘West is best’ ideology that continues to characterise much of the current mindset in EFL. We further argue that this ingrained notion requires critical interrogation; as Brown asserts:
To deny that there is a conflict in contemporary ELT, particularly but not exclusively in the ‘importing’ of new techniques associated with communicative language teaching into the state sector educational systems of developing countries, is to deny a reality with which many are familiar. (Brown 2000: 227)


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Authors:
Dechen Zangmo
Lecturer
Paro College of Education
Royal University of Bhutan
www.pce.edu.bt
E-mail: dechenzangmo.pce@rub.edu.bt 

Rachel Burke
Lecturer 
School of Education
The University of Newcastle,
Callaghan, NSW 2308 
Australia
E-mail: rachel.burke@newcastle.edu.au

John Mitchell O’Toole
Senior Lecturer 
School of Education
The University of Newcastle
Callaghan, NSW 2308 
Australia
E-mail: mitch.otoole@newcastle.edu.au


Heather Sharp
Lecturer
School of Education
The University of Newcastle
Callaghan, NSW 2308
Australia
E-mail: heather.sharp@newcastle.edu.au



1 This cultural dimension is sometimes referred to as Quantity of Life vs. Quality of Life.