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Showing posts with label 81 Rovira. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 81 Rovira. Show all posts
Journal of Linguistics and Language Teaching
volume 6 (2015) Issue 1


Cultural Perceptions and Language Attitudes
in Second Language Learning -
A Survey among University Students in Portugal


José María Santos Rovira (Lisbon, Portugal)


Abstract

Stereotypes fill foreign languages and cultures with pre-established ideas. We set out to confirm if the old proverb saying that learning a foreign language will open a new window to the world could be authenticated, as well as to define the main factors in the moving process from a stereotyped vision of the target language and culture to a more realistic one. With these aims, in May 2014, we developed and administered a questionnaire to 156 students of Spanish at the University of Lisbon (Portugal) and carried out a narrative inquiry with 27 Portuguese students to confirm if the foreign language learning process transformed their preconceived ideas about the language and the culture of Spain. Based upon the results, we suggest that preconceptions and language attitudes deeply influence the pace and the level of proficiency of the target language reached by students.
Key words: Spanish, Portugal, cultural perceptions, language attitudes, sociolinguistics



Resumen

Los estereotipos están siempre presentes en las lenguas y culturas extranjeras, en forma de ideas preestablecidas. Por ello, nos propusimos confirmar si el antiguo proverbio que dice que aprender una lengua extranjera es abrir una nueva ventana al mundo podía ser demostrado, así como definir cuáles son los elementos principales que intervienen en el proceso de cambio desde una visión estereotipada de la lengua y la cultura metas hacia una más realista. Con estos objetivos, en mayo de 2014, desarrollamos y realizamos un cuestionario a 156 alumnos de español en la Universidad de Lisboa (Portugal), así como una serie de entrevistas de investigación a 27 alumnos portugueses, para confirmar si realmente el proceso de aprendizaje de una lengua extranjera transforma sus ideas preconcebidas sobre la lengua y la cultura españolas. Basándonos en los resultados obtenidos, sugerimos que los prejuicios y las actitudes lingüísticas ejercen una profunda influencia en el ritmo y el nivel de dominio de la lengua meta alcanzado por los alumnos.
Palabras clave: Español, Portugal, percepciones culturales, actitudes lingüísticas, sociolingüística




1 Introduction

The relation between cultural perceptions and language attitudes is a topic deeply studied throughout the last decades (Baker 1992, Dörney et al. 2006, Driscoll et al. 2013, Garrett 2010, Hall 2013, Hernández 2004, Moran et al. 2014, Samovar et al. 2009, Spencer-Rodgers & McGovern 2002, Ting-Toomey & Chung 2012, Vez 2009). The way we communicate with others and the way we unwittingly judge them are strongly tied to our own culture and values, showing a deep link between language and ideology:

Language attitudes and language ideologies permeate our daily lives. Our competence, intelligence, friendliness, trustworthiness, social status, group memberships and so on are often judged from the way we communicate. (Garrett 2010: 3)

Consequently, it becomes impossible to dissociate cultural perceptions and language attitudes, as they are both branches of the same tree. As it is obviously impossible to dissociate the way we think and the way we speak, it is also impossible not to connect our culture and our language. Language attitudes join cultural perceptions, so people´s discourses reflect their approaches to life and to others. Our own culture constrains, in many modes, the way we speak and the way we judge others´ speech, will lead us to set up an idea about them, not just through their behaviour but also through their words. In some cases, it could be positive, as it allows us to find fellows, but, at the same time, it disposes us to undermine others only because we do not share or understand their viewpoints.

Cultural perceptions and language attitudes affect not only thoughts and behaviours, but also the command we can reach in a foreign language. In fact, the question of how personal variables like attitudes, motivation or pre-established ideas influence on the foreign language learning process is also one of the most studied topics in linguistics (Dörnyei 1990, Dörnyei 1998, Dörnyei & Skehan 2003, Isabelli-García 2010, Masgoret & Gardner 2003, Risager 2011, Yashima et al. 2004, and Williams et al. 2002). As it is commonly agreed, stereotypes fill foreign languages and cultures with pre-established ideas. In fact:

Culture refers to the customs, behaviours and beliefs that frame people’s lives. It influences attitudes, preferences and habits and contributes to an individual’s identity and their sense of self. Culture is, therefore, both enabling and constraining. By developing a greater understanding of the influence of culture, an individual learns more about themselves and others. (Driscoll et al. 2013: 147)

Accordingly, we set out to confirm if the old proverb saying that learning a foreign language will open a new window to the world could be authenticated. Our second target was to define which ones the main factors in the moving process from a stereotyped vision of the target language and culture to a more realistic one are.

2 Preconceptions about ´the other´
Preconceptions about ‘the other’ are deeply linked to prejudices and stereotypes. "The tendency to reduce the foreign 'other' is deep within the roots of society generally" (Holliday et al. 2010: 23), thus the way we think of our counterparts and the way we judged them are highly influenced by our own vision of the world around us. According to it,

what we perceived about a person’s culture and language is what we have been conditioned by our own culture to see, and the stereotypical models already built around our own. (Kramsch 1998: 67)

We are not original people in sensu stricto, but products of a broader cultural community which models our vision of reality, and languages, as products of the broader community, reflect these visions. This brings us to the question of whether culture is the only reason, or at least the main one, to be considered as ‘the other’. However, human complexity goes far beyond and literally anything could be named as 'otherness'. In any human group, the ones who do not strictly share the same values – I.e. the ones who show the slightest difference, e.g. the ones who come from or look like or act or believe or think or speak in a different way - could be considered as ‘the others’. There is no specific characteristic which points out a mark of otherness. If a group of people who share the same nationality confront an individual who does not, nationality will be the reason to mark otherness. If all share nationality, but one speaks a different mother tongue, this language will be his mark of being different. If all share nationality and language, but one has a different appearance (such as a different ethnic origin), this will be the factor to mark the otherness. If all share nationality, and language, and race, and ethno, but one has a different belief or religion, this belief or religion will be the mark. If all share nationality, language, race, ethno, and religion, but one thinks in a different way (e.g. politically) or even has different preferences (e.g. supporting a different sports team), these preferences will be the key factor to exclude him from the 'community’ and label him as ‘the other’:

In every large community, a mode of thinking, a distinctive type of reaction, get itself established, in the course of a complex historical development, as typical, as normal. (Sapir 1949: 311)

Consequently, almost any variation from what is normal will be considered as atypical and so filled with preconceptions. Nevertheless, it is universally acknowledged that nationality and language mark a noteworthy difference among people. Both concepts used to be strongly united, at least in Europe, with few exceptions. In Europe, there has been a long tradition of monolingualism, as most of the states have based their formation on a unified national language, which would be the language of the dominant group. The languages of other groups could be tolerated, even got some rights, but "for dominant groups, their own rights have often been, and are still, invisible: they take them for granted" (Skutnabb-Kangas 2012: 235). For centuries, idioms have been objects which could be used to name who is national and who is not, instead of tools for communication. So "the emergence of the concept of languages as separate entities is related to European ideologies as they have developed at least since the 1700s" (Heller 2007: 60). Besides, the idea that political borders show not only territory, but also "the limits of culture and identity" (Llamas 2010: 227) flourished.

On the contrary, the world is full of examples which show that this idea is wrong. Political borders have no real correspondence, neither with the limits of language nor with culture or identity. A simple view of a few European countries will show this openly. Switzerland is one of the best exemplifications of a state whose political borders include several languages (and cultures) such as French, German or Italian. On the other hand, we can have a look at two different states, Germany and Austria, which share a common language and whose linguistic or cultural differences are not bigger than the ones between different regions within Germany. In addition, a historical perspective will evidence that political borders are human-invented divisions, created by people whose purposes were, simply, to get power and richness, not to join or split communities according to their languages, cultures or identities. Thus, to having a certain nationality is a simple twist of fate. One of the best examples of this premise is the situation of the citizens from the former Yugoslavia. People who were born in the same state and with the same ´national language´, now are nationals of different countries and have different ´national languages´.

As a result of this false identification between state and language, European language attitudes looked traditionally at multilingualism as an enemy of the state. This has been the common European position until recently and still there are lots of states and people around the globe who continue thinking in the same way. In other cases, at least in Western Europe, after World War I, when some states began to worry about others´ languages. Nowadays we can confirm that the previous negative attitudes towards different languages has moved a step forward and changed "to a more positive evaluation of multilingualism" (Jessner 2008: 16), as one of the benefits of globalization.

Portugal is one of the most monolingual countries in Europe, as there is no other real language spoken. However, Portuguese students deal with other languages from childhood, as movies in the country are generally shown in their original language, both at cinemas and on television. Even so, when confronted with a new language, students have some preconceived ideas about it and its native speakers in their minds. In the specific case of Spanish, the most common idea in Portugal is that it is a very easy language thanks to its similarities with their own (Marques 2012: 128). Furthermore, the facts that Portugal and Spain are neighbouring countries, lots of Portuguese people have visited Spain at least once in their lives and listen to or read news about Spain on a daily basis, make them think it unnecessary to learn anything about Spanish culture (Moreira 2013: 53).
A simple talk with a handful of Portuguese students could verify this attitude. Marques (2012: 128) quotes some of the clichéd preconceptions about Spanish language: "I chose Spanish because is very easy to communicate with"; "it is an easy language"; or "it is very similar to Portuguese". And she also continues her work with other clichéd ideas about Spanish people and culture (Marques 2012: 130): "Spaniards are hot, lively and funny"; "talking about them makes me remember festive days"; "they are people who like to sleep their siesta"; "they drink alcoholic beverages double as much as Portuguese people and feel good"; "they are very lively people who like parties and nights"; "they have a very particular culture"; "it is one of the most traditional cultures of the world"; and "Spanish culture is more interesting than, for example, English. I think Spanish culture is funnier". Other scholars have also described the same kitsch-related points of view, both for language and culture, as Moreira (2012: 32): "We use to hear that [Spaniards] speak very loudly and all at the same time and arrive later at meetings"; Santos Rovira (2013: 54): "for Portuguese speaking students, the most of the Spanish grammar is similar to their own mother tongue´s"; or Araújo (2012: 66): "Happiness and fun always appear in opposition to our own fado and nostalgia".

Will the deeper knowledge of the language / culture contribute to change their way of thinking? This question is what we tried to unveil with our questionnaires and narrative inquiries.

3 Learning a Foreign Language: Opening a Window to the World (or not)

A few decades ago, Pinker published an unusual work pointing out that "there is no scientific evidence that languages dramatically shape their speakers´ ways of thinking" (1994: 58). But we have to disagree with him and support several works which clearly show that he was wrong, such as Kramsch (1993: 43: "native speakers of a language speak not only with their own individual voices, but through them speak also the established knowledge of their native community and society"), Whorf (1956: 213: "we dissect nature along lines laid down by our native languages") or Wierzbicka (1997: 5: "a person´s conceptual perspective on life is clearly influenced by his or her native language"). Furthermore, anytime we go abroad, to a country with a different language and culture, we find, beyond doubt, that our own culture deeply influences the way we think, the way we behave and, hence, the way we speak. This attribute has a profound impact on language attitudes, modelling our discourse in our mother tongue.

For this reason, in the process of learning a foreign language, the impact of the cultural related thoughts and prejudices would become one of the main components to mark our progress on this task. The crucial barrier most students have to surpass is to change their minds so as to wider their vision of the world and to see through others´ eyes, as stated by Holliday: "the learning of a second or additional language... is a process which is inextricably linked to issues of culture and identity" (Holliday 2010: 119). Several works have developed different theories about how the language learning process affects the learners minds, but no proper conclusion has been achieved. There is common agreement that learners attitudes towards the target language and culture will unequivocally influence their progress in that language (Dörnyei 1990, Dörnyei 1998, Gardner & Lambert 1959; Isabelli-García 2010, Lotherington 2004, Masgoret & Gardner 2003, Risager 2011, Skehan 1991), but some specific ideas have to be developed further. It is still confusing why some students change their minds as they get deeper into the language but others do not. Theoretically, "the acquisition of a second or further language may result in learners reconsidering the cultural ‘reality’ around them" (Prieto-Arranz et al. 2013: 19), but this is just partially true, as "not everyone reacts in the same way to the host culture… not all cultural contact is successful… it is not as easy for everyone to adjust to new ideas" (Lochtmann & Kappel 2008: 20).

Learning a foreign language will not always open a window to the world, as for some students, it becomes extremely difficult to change their prejudices and move to a broader understanding of other ways of thinking. When considering foreign languages and cultures, a chauvinist perspective could appear:

White children may become incapable of really hearing other cultures and, thus, learning from them. For as long as mainstream students think that another’s language is inferior to theirs, they will probably not bother to understand it, and therefore, there will be much about the other that they will always fail to understand. (Samovar et al. 2006: 121)

The mere learning process of a different language is not the crucial clue to avoid prejudgement on foreign cultures and ideas, and the a priori attitude of the learner may be the answer. When the beginner has a low-profile consideration of the target culture, he will hardly be able to go beyond his preconceptions and identify himself as a new member of that community. The enriched cultural identity which ensues from the learners’ fusion of his own cultural background and the new cultural elements acquired through learning the new language (Sudhoff 2010: 32), will probably not be achieved by everyone who starts the learning process. Only those who could leave behind their preconceived viewpoints could really get into a new language and culture, because cultural presuppositions are, undeniably, "a hindrance for communication" (Liaw & Johnson 2001: 235). This unsettled theory has also been confirmed by Dörnyei & Skehan:

Attitudes related to a L2 community exert a strong influence on one´s L2 learning. This makes sense, since few learners are likely to be successful in learning the language of a low-status community. (Dörnyei & Skehan (2003: 613)

Thus not only the degree of command of the new language is affected by those premises.


4 The Case of Portuguese University Students Learning Spanish as a Foreign Language

Taking into account recent works on cultural perceptions and language attitudes on Spanish by Portuguese students (Araújo 2012, Cunha 2011, Marques 2012, Moreira 2012, Moreira 2013, and Venâncio 2013), in May 2014, we administered a questionnaire to 156 students of Spanish as a Foreign Language at the University of Lisbon (Portugal), and carried out a narrative inquiry with 27 Portuguese students, with the aim of defining their cultural perceptions and language attitudes on Spanish. The ideal character for this survey was a Portuguese native speaker, student of Spanish as a foreign language at the university level and who could have visited Spain, but no for such a long period as to get a good knowledge of it.

The first block of questions was designed to create a brief sociolinguistic profile of the individuals and to check if it matched our ideal’ character. We asked them about their mother tongue, their birthplace and their age. The first question confirmed that all of them were Portuguese native speakers. Answers to the second question corroborated that most of them (144) were born in Portugal, and the other twelve were born abroad (four in Brazil, four in Venezuela, two in Angola, one in Cape Verde and one in Guinea-Bissau) but had been living in Portugal for a long period:


Figure 1: Birthplace

The age rate was as follows: 111 students were between 17 and 25 years old, 23 were between 26 and 35 years old, 12 were between 36 and 45 years old and 10 students were older than 45:


Figure 2: Age

We also asked them if they had ever been to Spain, and the big majority of the students replied in the affirmative (136). The 20 students who replied negatively were among the youngest (17 to 25 years old), and only 14 students were born in Portugal. These results confirmed what had previously been exposed in Cunha (2011: 180): the main reason for the knowledge about Spain in Portugal was that most of the population had visited the country. Moreover, some of them had also visited other Spanish-speaking countries, such as Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay and Venezuela.
A second block of questions was designed to analyse students’ previous ideas about the Spanish language. Before starting their studies, students’ common opinion was that it was a very easy language for them thanks to its similarities with theirs, and also that it was a very important language in the world because it is spoken in a lot of countries, as well as a language needed for several activities and jobs. As a result, the whole of the students considered the study of the Spanish language as interesting (around 20% considered it as very interesting), matching the conclusions obtained by previous works (Marques 2012: 128, Moreira 2013: 48). In addition, there was a group of students who answered that they decided to learn Spanish because speaking Portuguese and Spanish would give them a good advantage in their professional careers, as "they [Portuguese and Spanish] are the biggest linguistic block in the world" (Venâncio 2013: 328).

Notwithstanding, several pre-conceived ideas appeared, mainly when referred to cultural topics. Although it is true that Spain and Portugal share some cultural similarities as a result of their common history along centuries, there are also differences. But most students do not take these into account. Around 76% of them replied that there were no such cultural differences between both countries, so, according to them, they did not need to study it. A simple detail will show that this is an inaccurate idea.

When asked about the attitudes they did not like about Spanish people, a common answer was related to the latter’s discourse behaviour, perceived as a lack of reliability. Nowadays, in Spain, is very common to use the informal second person pronoun in daily interactions, with the only exception of job-related or very formal situations. By contrast, in European Portuguese, the forms of address reach an extraordinary level of complexity and use to be very formal even in daily interactions. As a result, when Spanish people with a low or non-existent command of Portuguese, visit the country and interact in the way they are used to, "violating social appropriateness in the target language" (Blum-Kulka 1983: 49), this will be understood by locals as a lack of reliability. This kind of misunderstanding is quite common in any interaction between people from different cultures. Kowner (2002: 339) describes a very similar scenario:

Many Japanese perceive communication with non-Japanese as an unpleasant experience and tend to avoid it… This article seeks to provide a supplementary approach to Japanese communication difficulties with foreigners and Westerners in particular: That is, the problem of status violation. The present study shows that in an encounter with foreigners of equal status, Japanese perceive the communication style of their counterparts not only as highly distinct from their own, but also as similar to the communication style of high-status Japanese in an encounter with lower-status compatriots. Based on these findings, it is argued that during intercultural encounters Japanese tend to feel that their social status is violated, to propagate this feeling through their culture, and ultimately to dislike and to be apprehensive about such encounters.
So far, the majority of people show a tendency towards reproducing their speech style regardless of their counterpart’s customs, neglecting cultural differences. In this particular case, disregarding the cultural distinctness between Portuguese and Spanish leads to a misconstruction of the behaviour of ´the other´. Even people who studied foreign languages make the same mistakes, as stated in Blum-Kulka:

transferring native language pragmatic competence and applying linguistic competence in the second language does not necessarily ensure appropriate and effective speech-act realization in the second language. (Blum-Kulka 1983: 49)
This is not just a personal mistake of identifying variation between languages or cultures, but an in-system failure which refers to language teaching from primary school to university. As explained by Moloney:

Teachers most frequently understood culture, however, to mean the ‘visible’ or distinctive aspects of a country’s culture (for example, festivals and food) and often taught this in isolation from the language itself. While these aspects of culture remain important, and much loved, teachers now need to understand that, like the metaphorical iceberg, the far greater part of culture is most often ‘invisible’, embedded within everyday language, behaviour and relationships. (Moloney 2013: 214)

The result is that language learning usually provides students with very limited opportunities to apprehend the cultural side of the language. In fact,

while the cultural dimension is referenced within lessons, there are limited opportunities for children to question, explore or reflect upon the impact of culture either on their own lives or on the lives of others. (Driscoll et al. 2013: 146)

In the educational system of Portugal, the situation is roughly the same as in any other country. Foreign languages are taught from primary to tertiary levels, and culture is referred to just as a folkloric part, which results in cultural misunderstandings.

Returning to to our survey, we felt interested in finding out how long students had studied Spanish. The duration of language-learning represents a very important factor, due to which we could arrange different stages in the learning process which could show whether the more an individual is involved in the target language, the more he or she will change his or her language attitudes in relation to it. According to the students´ answers, 51 had been studying Spanish for less than a year, 72 for 1 to 3 years, 20 for 4 and 6 years, and 13 longer than 6 years. Thus, we had a good range of students at different stages of the language-learning process to develop proper research:
Figure 3: How long have you studied Spanish?

The narrative inquiry conducted was also an invaluable source of information on cultural perceptions and language attitudes among university students in Portugal. Among the 27 students who took part in the narrative inquiry, seven started with a very positive point of view of Spain, 15 from slightly positive one and five from slightly  negative one. In most cases, these ideas (the positive and the negative ones) came from pre-established clichés they regarded as accurate even with little or no evidence. During this activity, those students who started from a very or slightly  positive point of view adopted a more and more positive view, in accordance with the depth of  their knowledge about Spain and the Spanish-speaking world. Unlike them, those students who started from slightly negative point of view, changed their minds only slightly or not at all throughout the learning process, and they continued believing in the same pre-established ideas as before.

Another key point of the survey was students’ interest in living in Spain, as students or as workers. So, in our questionnaire, students were asked if they considered going to study in Spain an interesting option, and the majority replied in the affirmative (143). The only 13 students who replied negatively were among the ones who had studied Spanish for a short period (eight students for less than a year and five students between one and three years) and all were among the youngest (17-25 years old). Undoubtedly, the ones who participated in the narrative inquiry and started from a negative point of view were also among them.
We also obtained similar results when asking if working in Spain was an interesting choice: 126 students replied in the affirmative and the 30 students who replied negatively were among the ones who had studied Spanish for a short period of time (19 students for less than a year and 11 students between one and three years); in addition, 27 students were among the youngest (17-25 years old), and 3 students were among the oldest (+45 years old). As previously mentioned, those students who took part in the narrative inquiry and started from a negative point of view were also among them.
Asked about the reasons why they felt interested in going to study or work in Spain, the group who started from positive feelings clearly admitted that they wanted to get deeper into the language and the culture of Spain and feel as part of the community during their stay. On the other hand, the group who started from a negative point of view did not feel interested in being part of the community or in getting deeper into the culture.
The way students dealt with the usual stereotypes about Spain was also a fascinating field of research. Although all of them heard the same commonplaces all along their lives, not everyone assumed that they were real. Among the 27 students who took part in the narrative inquiry, nine looked upon them as legends of ancient times. The other 18 students commenced from a stage where they credited that there was any evidence to support it. But while eleven students admitted that there was had been moment when they shifted to a more realistic position, seven students have been thinking in the same way up to now. Comparing their answers to this question with earlier ones, we found that among the nine students who looked upon stereotypes as legends of ancient times, seven replied that they had started from a very positive point of view when they began studying Spanish, and two from slightly positive one. Among the eleven students who admitted to have shifted from a stage where they credited any possible evidence to support stereotypes to a more realistic position, all of them replied that they had started from slightly positive point of view. And among the 7seven students who continued thinking in the same way, five had replied that they started from slightly negative point of view and two from slightly positive one.
One more question focused on students’ goals when enrolled in the subject. 18 students stated that they wanted to obtain as high a level as possible in the foreign language, i.e. near-native competence, so as to boost their professional careers. But when asked if sounding and acting as a native was one of their goals, only eight out of 18 students reacted positively; ten students said that they wanted to keep their Portuguese identity at any circumstance; the other nine students considered that reaching an intermediate language level would be enough for them. This attitude surprised us as we had always thought that speaking or even acting in a foreign country or context natives could cause a loss of self-identity but help us to be an enriched individual. Nevertheless, this situation has been described as habitual in several works (Dörnyei 2009, Knutson 2006, Yihong et al. 2007). The fear to lose one’s identity when speaking a foreign language reveals that almost everyone understands that the language he or she speaks is intensely linked to its culture and that it is impossible to set apart this pair of deeply rooted elements.

5 Conclusions
In the present paper, we have demonstrated that there is an unavoidable relationship between language and culture, as well as between cultural perceptions and language attitudes. In addition, preconceptions on foreign languages and cultures are widespread among people of any nation and generally cause numerous misunderstandings. Based upon the results of our questionnaire and the narrative inquiry conducted, we can confirm that the more the students get into a foreign language or culture, the better they will understand the differences, the prejudices and the stereotypes about the ´other´. Students who are at the early stages of their language learning process are the ones who have more prejudices, while students at later stages, who generally have a better knowledge of the target language or culture, have modified or abandoned them. Nevertheless, the fact that the cultural side of the language is rarely taught within any foreign language program provokes long-lasting misconceptions, that prevail almost until students reach a very high level of proficiency.
Our results also show that negative preconceptions are a burden to learn a foreign language, so those people who start from a negative consideration of the target language or culture are unable to reach a good command of the language or culture in question. On the other hand, students who start from an enthusiastic consideration show much more progress in terms of their linguistic abilities, not to mention their capacity to change their perspectives. According to these results, it is clear that anybody with a good understanding of a foreign language and culture can hardly reject it or feel uninterested in it. Just the ones who have not or just little command of the language in question can look at it in a disdainful mood. As exposed before, in most cases, Portuguese students start with some pre-established ideas about Spain and the Spanish language, but only the ones with a positive consideration will leave these ideas behind and forge ahead to a better understanding. Inevitably, they will be also the ones who may reach a very good command of the target language.
Introducing a proper study of the cultural side of language in any language-learning program would make a real difference as far as students’ competence is concerned. The consequence of this approach, however, is that language teachers would have to leave aside their traditional views on teaching culture and move to a better integration of culture in the foreign language classroom.

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Author:
Prof. Dr. José María Santos Rovira
Departamento de Linguística Geral e Românica
Faculdade de Letras
Universidade de Lisboa
Alameda da Universidade
1600-214 Lisboa